Realism on the rack

Tue, 01/13/2009 - 9:57am

A reader writes in from Colombia to suggest a topic: "what is a/the 'realist perspective' on waterboarding?"

My answer: for starters, realism doesn't take a normative or ethical position re waterboarding (or other morally questionable practices). Realism is a positive theory of international politics, not a normative theory, and it is essentially amoral. It explains why international politics is a competitive arena and why states act as they do, but it is mostly silent on whether this behavior is morally acceptable. Put differently, it doesn't purport to tell national leaders the morally correct thing to do. This is not to say that realists do not have moral beliefs of their own (which could include a firm belief that waterboarding was morally wrong). But that's not a conclusion that follows from the premises of realist theory.

Of course, realists aren't surprised when states commit morally dubious acts, whether it is dropping bombs on civilians in wartime (see under Gaza), or torturing suspected terrorists. Realism depicts international politics as a rough business, and in the absence of a central authority that can enforce moral or legal constraints, realists expect most states will be willing to cross these lines on occasion. That's why realists emphasize both the importance of power and the need for prudent statecraft: if you are weak or foolish, other states might do something pretty nasty to you. And a case can be made that following realist principles can also produce more moral outcomes as well.

That said, I think there is a fairly strong realist case against waterboarding. Realism emphasizes that foreign and defense policy should advance the national interest, and that one way to do that is to minimize the number of enemies one faces and maximize the amount of international support one can expect. Using waterboarding and other forms of torture undermines both goals, especially for a country as strong as the United States.  

Other countries naturally worry about the concentration of power in American hands, and they will worry all the more if they think that power might be exercised arbitrarily or cruelly, even against suspected bad guys. Relying on waterboarding and other forms of torture also makes the United States look hypocritical; if we are willing to violate our professed principles in this realm, can others count on anything we say in other areas? Torturing people also gives our enemies a powerful rhetorical argument to use against us and makes us seem more like them, which in turn makes it harder for us to rally others to our side. And the real kicker is the likelihood that the information gained through torture is probably not as reliable as information gleaned through other methods, because someone being tortured is likely to say anything that will get the inquisitors to stop. A realist might accept waterboarding as a regrettable necessity if it provided information that was absolutely essential to protecting the country (which is why those who support the use of torture tend to rely on "ticking bomb" scenarios), but a number of experts on interrogation have cast serious doubts on that view.

Note that this last point is not a moral argument against waterboarding; it is the sort of pragmatic argument that flows from realist theory. One could make independent moral arguments against this practice as well.

For what it's worth, I think waterboarding is a bad idea on both grounds.



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Apparent contradiction on realism and normativity

Can anyone resolve this apparent contradiction for me? Prof. Walt writes, "realism doesn't take a normative or ethical position," and then later he writes, "[r]ealism emphasizes that foreign and defense policy should advance the national interest..." (my emphasis).

Doesn't the latter quote say that realism does take a normative position, especially in the context of the sentence which precedes it? Note that it's not tautological that states should act according to the national interest or raison d'état or whatever you want to call it: as I understand it, before the 16th century that idea would have been considered blasphemous. So why isn't realism being normative when it says that states should act "realistically"?

I should have said: "Realism

I should have said: "Realism emphasizes that IF STATES SEEK TO SURVIVE, they should act in ways that advance the national interest (i.e., improve their relative position)..." I might add that this whole issue of the tension between realism as positive theory and realism as guide to statecraft is pretty interesting, and there's an excellent paper by Ido Oren of the University of Florida entitled “The Unrealism of Contemporary Realism: The Tension between Realist Theory and Realists’ Practices" that I believe is forthcoming in PERSPECTIVES ON POLITICS. Oren takes a position similar to yours, and you might want to check it out when it is published.

That resolves the contradiction -- but...

Thanks for the reference to the paper; I'll try to find a p/reprint on the Internet. I've never studied international relations, but the positive/normative distinction (or non-distinction) is really interesting to me too.

Your clarification resolves the contradiction but raises other problems. The best argument against it is the one that I think you yourself made in an earlier post. Defending the Israel-lobby thesis against charges that it didn't fit the realist model, I think you said that powerful states have a lot of leeway to act non-realistically, i.e., in ways that do some harm to their national interest. Waterboarding or treatment of prisoners in general is such a minor act, isn't it? The absurdity of the idea that such a minor issue as waterboarding would endanger the survival of a state as powerful as the US seems to confirm your earlier statement, that powerful states can afford the price of some nonrealist policies. Your clarification here, that a strictly realist policy is an existential necessity, seems more applicable to weak states in precarious situations, e.g. Lebanon, than to powerful, secure states like the US.

Positive vs. Normative

I am curious about the precis about realism as a 'positive theory of international politics' rather than a 'normative theory.'

Being "mostly silent on whether this behavior is morally acceptable" seems to elide a crucial issue, one that you reintroduce through the back door in discussing hypocrisy and rhetorical arguments. As you suggest, the issue of 'moral acceptability' and 'justice' would seem to play a large role in determining international reaction to our actions, and specifically whether we are loved, hated, and/or feared.

It is a question I've long had about modern academic realism: how productive, really, is the effort to strike a 'positive' posture, especially if the subject you are talking about will require some measure of moral forces?

I agree with the above.

I agree with the above. Professor Walt described in the first few paragraphs the reason why analytical realism cannot take a moral stance against waterboarding. A 'realist case against waterboarding', entailing what countries should do (even pragmatic stances, as opposed to ethical ones, regarding the way things should be are still definitively 'normative') would require a 'normative realist' stance, which is not the same as the analytical realism he described. For Prof. Walt to conflate analytical realism and normative realism is a gross oversight and certainly would confuse those readers without formal study of international relations theory. 'Normative' has nothing to do with ethical vs. pragmatic and everything to do with analysis vs. prescription.

Just my two cents as a student of History at the University of Edinburgh. I defer my lack of expertise to the professor.

Stephen's statements about Realist Theory of FP (RTFP)

Stephen's statements about Realist Theory of FP

1. There exist states

2. A State composed of a nation, a national leadership, national interests and power (economic, military, population, etc? (pls add).)...(any others? pls add)

3. There exists a competitive arena where states acts as they do

4. There exists no central authority in that arena that can enforce moral or legal constraints

5. States commit morally dubious acts (dubious according to what? Stephen knows) (see axiom 1)(Why this is here? Didn't you declare that RTFP (Realist Theory of FP) is essencially amoral?)

6. State's foreign and defense policy reflects national interest of the state.

7. A State seeks to increase her national interests when her existence is threatened.

8. A State's power is a potential threat to other states. A state is paranoid of other states.

9. Realist Foreign Policy is the art of keeping the the threats of states in Balance. (How? By shuffling and mixing nations/races/cultures?!, subjecting them to prototype secularo-fascist laws to reduce their multiplicity to singularity?)

Stephen, can you please correct/modify if I made a mistake, also please add axioms if missing. It was not easy for me to dig out those axioms from the text you posted which was full of salesman lingo trying to sell Realist FP Theory;-))
Please our question is "What are the axioms of Realist FP Theory?", not "How can one sell Realist FP Theory? " or "How it applies/applied to the USA?";-))
I mean before you demonstrate us your product we would like to read the spec.

Thanks,

Grand Sen~or

note: after we sort out Realist FP Theory's axioms, I'll ask heaps of question.

Rhetorical importance?

I would submit that this argument by Professor Walt is not realist at all. He writes:

"Relying on waterboarding and other forms of torture also makes the United States look hypocritical; if we are willing to violate our professed principles in this realm, can others count on anything we say in other areas? Torturing people also gives our enemies a powerful rhetorical argument to use against us and makes us seem more like them, which in turn makes it harder for us to rally others to our side."

This emphasis on the impact of perceptions, reputation, etc., is in stark contrast to realist theory. Daryl Press' more traditional realist work points out that the idea reputations "matter" in international politics is overblown. More importantly, realists think that material power drives the world. If it is material power that drives global politics, shouldn't states make decisions on the basis of their material interests in a given situation, not touchy-feely things like "rhetorical arguments"?

Professor Walt -- could you please explain how an argument focused on the impact of rhetoric and reputation is a realist argument? Except in that you are making a pragmatic argument, but realism and pragmatism are not the same thing.

"Relying on waterboarding and

"Relying on waterboarding and other forms of torture also makes the United States look hypocritical; if we are willing to violate our professed principles in this realm, can others count on anything we say in other areas? Torturing people also gives our enemies a powerful rhetorical argument to use against us and makes us seem more like them, which in turn makes it harder for us to rally others to our side."

Here what Stephen wants to say is:
"If we keep on violating the Constitution of the USA and have no institution of justice to handle such cases of violations then what is the use of the Constitution as a legal base in FP for the USA?"

That is quite a realist question to ask.
Am I right Stephen?

Grand Sen~or

stephen’s balance of threat

stephen’s balance of threat theory could be instructive here

Is that another axiom of his

Is that another axiom of his Realist Theory of FP?
Why balance of threat?
Why not balance of power?
Can you tell us more about it so that I add it to the list of axioms.

I don't understand why I have to drag those axioms from what he posts, it would really help if he has listed them himself. It is not that I enjoy discovering them while I interact here, but we could be more productive in our interaction if we know what he means according to the realist theory of FP. Don't tell me that he doesn't know them himself;->>

Grand Sen~or

Balance of Threat

With all due respect, the question of how states determine whether one actor is a threat or another actor is a threat is something that can only be answered outside the confines of realism. If you have two states that have relatively equal material power and a third party views one as a threat but another not as a threat, that means there is something else besides realist variables driving the train.

The problem for me is I don't

The problem for me is I don't know Stephen's drt of axioms for his Realist Theory of FP, but I suspect when he uses the concept "power" he means it is a composition of the elements I have detailed on this tread before (see axiom 4). If that is so then it can still be explained by his theory why the third party doesn't feel threat for one and feel thread for the other according to the composition of the powers of those states.
I expect Stephen to lay the axioms of his theory openly to play this game fair, otherwise we are wasting our time by guessing what are the axioms of his Realist Theory of FP.

Grand Sen~or

I am unsure why you feel

I am unsure why you feel realism is ill equipped to gauge threats. Balance of threat theory goes a long way to assessing just that. I brought it up because it draws a distinction between traditional concepts of power on the one hand and capabilities and intent on the other (reflecting a classical/neo realist split). In other words it provides a realist explanation for the dynamic between power and behavior. The idea here being that where states were comfortable bandwagoning with the US post WWII, they could be more resistant in the future. While out of bounds of its original purpose, as addressed, we can see how realism might inform the political opinion that torture or extraordinary rendition affects the way states interact with the US. Potentially challenging or limiting its maneuvering room, which could weigh on its overall power down the road.

Grand Sen---read Walt’s books!! Start at the beginning- I really appreciate how they blend.

arpitman wrote:"Grand

arpitman wrote:
"Grand Sen---read Walt’s books!! Start at the beginning- I really appreciate how they blend."

I'll see. Eventually I will discover the axioms of his theory. It wouldn't take to much of his time to list them here, unless of course he is in the process to develop it to sell and using me as a Guinea-pig;->He could at least say so. I am here to help him to develop a useful theory and I don't have any concerns that my knowledge willdeminish if I give it away, no! I have promised to give it away to gain it. I am following his statements as I can, at the moment my opinion about him is he is confused;->>If he shows me his axioms, perhaps I could show him the way out. Even when I look at the draft of the axioms I know exactly where I can be helpful. But to be able to help him I need open and sincere interaction with no constraints what-so-ever. If he is realy after reality I am here to show him the way;-> Maybe he is not ready for that trip yet;-> We'll see;->>
In which book he discloses the axioms of the RTFP?

Grand Sen~or

Realism and Morality.

The problem here is that Realism is divided between those who think it is a normative theory and those who think it is a positive theory. Morgenthau and Carr, for example, both have highly developed theories about the relationship between politics and morality. Realism is not as monolithic as many seem to think. You can only define something that is without history, and Realism has not only one history, but multiple histories (where to begin? where to end?), therefore, it cannot be defined in axiomatic terms. It can be presented in such terms, but any number of objections could be raised to any attempt to do so.

A like statement:

"Realism is a positive theory of international politics, not a normative theory, and it is essentially amoral", therefore does not apply to Realism, but rather Stephen Walt's interpretation of Realism, which in effect proceeds from his epistemological commitments, all of which is fine, but brings him into immediate conflict with other Realists such as Morgenthau and Carr.

Can anything be amoral? The

Can anything be amoral?

The state is not a natural entity, it has no predetermined set of interests. It has no essential nature. For this reason one cannot unproblematically remove cultural contingencies from any IR theory. It cannot be amoral because morality is just collectively agreed and enforced norms. Ways of perceiving the world, aesthetics, are thus moral.

I would defend the analytical distinction between normative and existential but only under the acknowledgment that the categories are porous and not absolute.

The distinctions are to a large extent semantic but do, I believe, mask something rather unfortunate about Realist theory generally. That is they claim to be unbiased and therefore truthful. If one is not a realist then surely one is...what?...a surrealist?

This appropriation of 'reality' is misleading and actually undermines the contributions Realism otherwise makes to IR theory.

Realism may argue that states act in their best interests, this may be existentially true, but what those interests are and how they are constructed is wholly normative and thus moral.

Therefore, I would disagree that morality can ever be separated from theory.