Posted By Stephen M. Walt Share

With apologies to my associates here at FP, I find myself in some disagreement with the packaging of the current issue, and especially the special section on the "Axis of Upheaval."

The "axis of evil" was an unfortunate catch-phrase dreamed up in 2002 to scare the American people into supporting a foolish war. Its fatal flaw was the implication three very different regimes -- Iran, Iraq, and North Korea -- were somehow in cahoots and should be dealt with in a similar fashion. The result, as readers have surely noticed, was failure on all three fronts.

A term like "axis of upheaval" is likely to mislead us in much the same way. It suggests that there is a high degree of connection, congruence, or coordination between a set of regrettable but largely unrelated problems. Grouping these diverse situations under a single rubric makes them all sound scarier, but that’s not a smart move when they are in fact of widely varying importance. Lumping them under one heading is a sort of glib mental shorthand that makes it harder to identify which problems must be addressed quickly, which can be put off, and which should be ignored.

For the world’s major powers -- and especially the United States -- the central strategic challenge today is figuring out how to allocate finite economic, military, and political resources. Great power rivalries are presently muted, so the big decisions involve minor powers like Saddam Hussein’s Iraq or Slobodan Milosevic’s Serbia, or unstable trouble spots like Pakistan, Somalia or Darfur. In each case, the same question recurs: should we intervene or should we stay out? Making the right call requires focusing on the particular circumstances of each case and the extent to which it actually threatens vital interests. When action is deemed necessary, we also need a strategy that is appropriate for the specific problem at hand. Russia’s situation bears little resemblance to the state of anarchy in Somalia, the drug war in Mexico or the crisis in Gaza, and we are more likely to judge each problem correctly and fashion a smart response if we resist the temptation to see them as part of some broader global trend.

In his introduction, Niall Ferguson suggests that these current troubles share the same features that ignited World War II: ethnic distintegration, economic volatility, and empires in decline. This claim makes the situation sound alarming, but the good news is that an even more important ingredient is missing. Today, there are no territorially expansionist and highly risk-acceptant great powers like Nazi Germany or Imperial Japan, countries that combined significant military power with deeply revisionist ambitions. Ironically, the main revisionist power in recent years has been the United States, which spent the past 15 years expanding NATO into Eastern Europe and then tried to "transform" the Middle East and Persian Gulf by force. Yet even George W. Bush didn't seek to redraw borders the way that Hitler or Tojo did. For the foreseeable future, the danger of a global conflagration is minimal.

Even if today’s instabilities are exacerbated by ethnic competition, financial turmoil and other background conditions, there’s nothing especially novel about the phenomenon of "upheaval." During the 1950s, there were coup d’etats, revolutions, or civil wars in Iran, Korea, Guatemala, Iraq, Lebanon, and Hungary (to name but a few), and subsequent decades witnessed mass killings in Indonesia and Cambodia, revolutions in Libya, Iran and Nicaragua, a "dirty war" in Argentina, a genocide in Rwanda/Burundi, Zimbabwe’s descent into turmoil, and protracted conflicts in Nigeria, Sri Lanka, El Salvador and many other countries. Yet as the Human Security Report Project (and several other studies) have shown, the overall level of global violence is significantly lower today than it has been for most of the past century.

It is also worth remembering that outside powers have at best a mixed record at managing upheavals outside their own borders. Foreign intervention in the French revolution helped trigger two decades of great power war, and Western efforts to suppress the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 backfired too. As Jeffrey Gettleman’s piece on Somalia shows, U.S. interference there has repeatedly made a bad situation worse, because U.S. leaders simply didn’t know what they were doing. Nor should we forget that the complex problems we now face in Central Asia are partly the product of centuries of imperial meddling, a legacy that also complicates the West’s relationship with much of the Middle East. It is hard to believe that more meddling now is going to make things significantly better. The spread of nationalism and the persistence of other forms of local identity eventually destroyed the Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian, Russian, British, and French empires, and those same forces will confound outsiders’ attempts to impose order on those unhappy societies where instability is now rife.

This is not to say that the international community should simply ignore these various problems or believe that they can always wall them off. But the right course of action is to evaluate each case separately, both to figure out how serious a threat it poses and to fashion a response that has some chance of working. Above all, we need to take a calm and cool-eyed approach to these challenges, so that we focus on the threats that matter most and on the cases where we have a clear strategy for success. Somalia may be the "most dangerous place in the world" to visit, but that doesn't mean it poses the greatest danger to the rest of the world. A phrase like "axis of upheaval" may help sell magazines and give commentators something to talk about, but it is more of an obstacle to our understanding than an aid to it.

JEWEL SAMAD/AFP/Getty Images

 

GRAND SEN-OR

9:30 PM ET

February 20, 2009

ethnic competition

ethnic competition

Professor, please don't rely on common and garden concepts such as "ethnic competition", invent a tool that you can realistically deal with the phenomena. I have offered you the concept "SPEE" for that. The Guys/Dolls are right to spot/predict some serious activities on the region of SPEEs. But don't worry, this is not going to cause another Global War, but it will cause a lot of head-ache to States because the concept "state" will dis-integrate and a new realistic conceptual structure will emerge which will eventually pave the ground to a new civilisation.

So, My Dear Professor, don't be shy to introduce this concept of SPEE there, because that will help you to present realiistic scenarios while others mucking around with the pseudo-concept "state" to paint doomsday scenarios;->

Alternatively, leak their argument here;->>

I am not going to wish you good luck Professor! But I wish you cling on realistic concepts to rise up!

Grand Sen~or

 

ANON_ANON

9:16 PM ET

February 20, 2009

arc of upheaval

You don't like simplistic labellings of the world? Man, is Thomas PM "(Core/Gap)" Barnett going to be maaaad at you!

 

BLUE13326

9:49 PM ET

February 20, 2009

Ha, ha so true, anon_anon!

Ha, ha so true, anon_anon! Prof. Walt is like the anti-Barnett, and a much more interesting read.

 

BOB SPENCER

9:59 PM ET

February 20, 2009

You make a lot of sense. But,

You make a lot of sense. But, you cause me to think of a different perspective. Instead of reacting to sources of upheaval, should we focus more on preemptive opportunities for prosperity and growth? What if we continually find collaborative opportunities with others for increased wealth and power? If we can do that, I wonder if the aspiring trouble-makers would be more willing to find areas where their goals coincide with us or whoever?

I guess that is essentially what happened with the Coal and Steal Community that evolved into the EU. However, Pakistan and Somalia or other spots of upheaval operate a little differently from Europe. For example, I have seen reports saying that the Pakistani military operates about 22 billion dollars of businesses. China’ military does that kind of thing too.

Consequently, I strongly suspect that China’s massive foreign “aid” has significant influence over the Pakistani military because I do not doubt that they make person-to-person business deals between the military owned businesses as a way of managing their foreign aid program to Pakistan. They know how to integrate their interests.

I wonder what would happen if we learned how to do that sort of thing in all of the world’s trouble spots? Hummmm----I think I will go research more about China’s foreign aid program. They do foreign aid for fun and profit. I wonder if their aid program actually adds to their national budget?

Bob Spencer

 

VLADIMIR

3:11 AM ET

February 21, 2009

Stephen I always suspected

Stephen I always suspected that deep down there was a constructivist in you struggling to get out. Pity you didn't mention the rogue state as another term which was once injected into the discussion of IR , and like the axis of evil tried to frame how we should understand interaction with these states. One more thing, you're characterization of the US as a revisionist power is correct and few involved in the public debate have the integrity to say such.

 

BRETT

3:31 AM ET

February 21, 2009

Nor should we forget that the

Nor should we forget that the complex problems we now face in Central Asia are partly the product of centuries of imperial meddling, a legacy that also complicates the West’s relationship with much of the Middle East.

Don't fall into the trap of overly tying Central Asia (particularly the 'Stans) with the Middle East. Most of the similarities they have with the Middle East countries,up to and including the varieties of Islam and Islamist, are only skin deep.

But the right course of action is to evaluate each case separately, both to figure out how serious a threat it poses and to fashion a response that has some chance of working. Above all, we need to take a calm and cool-eyed approach to these challenges, so that we focus on the threats that matter most and on the cases where we have a clear strategy for success.

This is an incredibly crucial point. There are a lot of problems in this world, all of which cry out for American attention and potential involvement, and which become increasingly difficult to resist in an era where video content is almost universal. There are also quite a few scholars, particularly in your field, Dr. Walt, who think the US should be playing some type of "Imperial" role in integrating the Developing World and "failed states" into a stable system. We need to resist their temptation as well.

Above all, we need to avoid escalating problems. That was the real problem with Bush: he had a tendency to take a foreign policy problem, like international terrorism in Afghanistan, and escalate it into some type of giant crusade against not only international terrorism but all Islamic terrorism and radicalism, Islamic fundamentalism, and for democracy in the Islamic World (which they have; witness Indonesia).

By the way, I wish there was more criticism of the "Failed States" argument that is becoming increasingly prevalent in members of the Foreign Policy Community here in the US. Somalia is a "failed state", yet it didn't threaten US security. Same with Liberia, and a number of other interventions. The states that did end up threatening US security, like Afghanistan, were not failed states, since the Taliban controlled the country and exercised some degree of discipline and order, however brutal.

 

JJACKSON

3:26 PM ET

February 21, 2009

First do no harm

Should we intervene or should we stay out? I would recommend ‘First do no harm’ should become the guiding principal. Humanitarian catastrophes like Somalia would be less common if some forethought was given to the consequences of US actions. It might also have the beneficial side effect of not spawning so many radical regimes when the US’s objective fails. Had the UIC’s creeping stability experiment been aided and encouraged would we now have Al Shabab to deal with, or a relatively stable Islamic state? If Mossadegh had been left alone and the Iranians not have to suffer the oppression of the latter Shah years would Iran be as hostile as it is today?

Today, there are no territorially expansionist and highly risk-acceptant great powers like Nazi Germany or Imperial Japan. Is this true?
The US has troops stationed all over the globe and has not shown a great deal of restraint in using them, its wallet and covert forces to effect regime change or maintain some dubious ‘friends’ in power when their own people would prefer a change of regime. While not territorial expansion in the Roman or British flag planting sense I would argue this is our time’s version of it. Again it may not be high risk in that the US has no military equal, at present, with whom to go toe-to-toe but again it is generating resentment, enemies and a generalised asymmetric war with attendant global destabilisation (Global War on/of Terror).

Thanks for the link to Jeffrey Gettleman history of the Somali tragedy, which I had missed but is as good a short history on the subject I have read. One thing I would like to add to it is we should do everything we can now to bring stability to Somalia now even if it means dealing with some very unpalatable groups. My great fear is a general conflagration in the Horn in 2011 when the Sudanese constitution mandates the South has the right to vote to secede and Abyei (the oil rich central region) has the right to choose if it wants to be part of the North or South. The Northern block has been acting as if it has given up on the SPLM wanting to remain in the union for a while now and I see no way this will resolve itself peacefully. Darfur will be a side show and with so much tinder in the area there is a real danger to everything between Lake Victoria and the Med.
This area deserves more FP focus than any other area in the world and failure to act now could leave the Horn shedding sparks over the whole of Africa, the ME, the relationship with China and the post Hubbard’s peak oil supply for the rest of the 21st century.

 

KENNETH SORENSEN

3:20 PM ET

February 22, 2009

You are aboslutely right, Walt

All this talk of axis is disgusting. It was started by the Jewish-Canadian Mr. David Frum, the most despised individual, I am sure, in The United States. It was he, who coined the phrase: "Axis of evil". There is simply no excuse for this. Honest men and women need to uphold certain standards of behaviour. If you actively help the war effort in Iraq, Iran and (NK only included to provide credibility for the other two, which incidentially were Israels two greatest strategic foes) in this way, it can never be forgiven. Whatever you utter for the rest of your life hereafter, will be subjected to the utmost scrutany, and we will look for any signs of dual loyalty.

The same applies to this Scottish historian, Mr. Ferguson. Some of the things he have said has been rather interesting, but this recent publication in Foreign Policy contains some serious missconceptions, one of which, as Mr. Walt rightly observes, is its very title. Most of it should be dismissed, and whatever truth it contains is seriously compromised by the very title, about this non-existing axis.

Being a historian, he looks for clues in the present about something he have seen in the past. But this one about "an axis.." is wide off the mark, and if he had any decent integrity, he would have stayed well clear of any reference to the depised individual, Mr. David Frum.

 

GCALLEN

6:22 AM ET

February 23, 2009

Kudos to Dr. Walt for making

Kudos to Dr. Walt for making the obvious but too often forgotten point that what is memorable is not the same as what is useful.

Greg Allen
Washington University in Saint Louis

 

Stephen M. Walt is the Robert and Renée Belfer professor of international relations at Harvard University.

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