Posted By Stephen M. Walt Share

As I've been blogging for months now, things don't look good in Afghanistan. The commanding U.S. general, Stanley McChrystal apparently agrees. He's completed his review and is calling for a radical change in U.S. strategy.   He says the situation is "serious," but also that "success is achievable." According to other reports, he intends to make a separate request for more troops in the near future. (And how many of you didn’t see that coming?)  

Over the weekend, we also learned that the Afghan election results are probably fraudulent, that current President Hamid Karzai is now bolstering his own legitimacy by highlighting his differences with Washington. Got that? The leader of the government we are propping up with billions of dollars of assistance and thousands of troops has discovered he can best make himself more popular by publicly quarreling with us, and by cutting deals with drug-dealing warlords at the same moment that U.S. forces are supposedly trying to crack down on them. Even a rather hawkish panel at the mainstream Brookings Institution was sounding pretty sober last week.

Alarm bells should be going off in your head at this point (and I wish they were going off in President Obama’s). These events all point to the central dilemma confronting our efforts in Afghanistan: we don’t understand the social and political dynamics there, the various actors involved have their own interests, loyalties, and agendas, the "government" -- such as it is -- is deeply corrupt, and we lack reliable instruments of leverage over many of the contending factions. As a result, virtually any step we take inevitably generates all sorts of unintended consequences.   

The recent election is a case in point: we worked hard to make it a success, in the hope that it would produce a more effective and accountable Afgan government and demonstrate that external assistance was having a positive impact. Obama was quick to praise the election after it occurred, but the widespread and credible accusations of fraud (plus the low turnout) suggest that the election we labored to bring about in fact made things worse. Instead of receiving a powerful new mandate, Karzai comes out of it looking more like Ahmadinejad. Even if he retains the presidency (still the most likely outcome), Karzai's legitimacy has been further tarnished and his ability to conduct meaningful reforms will be virtually nil.

And please bear in mind that our current difficulties aren't exactly new. The United States and NATO have had military forces in Afghanistan for nearly eight years. True, the outside effort was pretty half-hearted from 2003 to 2006 (due in part to the diversion of effort to Iraq), but increased force levels and attention in recent years hasn't reversed the slide. This situation suggests that either we are pursuing the wrong objectives or we simply have no idea how to achieve them. What is needed is a much broader questioning of what we are doing over there, but questioning the mission itself wasn't General McChrystal's assignment. My guess is that a more fundamental rethinking will eventually take place, but not until more blood and treasure are expended.  

For an equally gloomy forecast, see veteran foreign affairs columnist William Pfaff here. And for those of you who like musical analogies, try this.

MANAN VATSYAYANA/AFP/Getty Images

 

NORWEGIAN SHOOTER

9:50 PM ET

August 31, 2009

Will escalation sell? And a request

It looks less likely by the day, but it will still be the usual steep uphill fight to stop more war from happening. If health insurance reform stalls out for awhile, maybe it can receive an honest debate in front of the public. I hope so.

Professor Walt, in the interest of this honest debate, please stop using the cliche "blood and treasure." And ask those who continue the practice to stop. I recently re-read Orwell's "Politics and the English Language." Phrases such as these obfuscate the reality you are trying to describe.

 

LIL LORD FAUNTLEROY

11:20 AM ET

September 1, 2009

 

NORWEGIAN SHOOTER

6:06 PM ET

September 1, 2009

Yah, so what?

Thanks, I couldn't remember where I found the link. And thanks Mr. Ricks for providing it. Actually, I was watching a CSPAN show on conservatives recommending books for the college crowd. Harry Crocker, a Regnery Books editor, recommended it, even though he noted Orwell was a professed socialist. Crocker said that the essay had some conservative points to it. Well, conservative in the sense of preserving some worthwhile old things. Not in the political sense that current Movement Conservatives mean - you know, the ones that say the Republicans aren't conservative enough.

Book TV on CSPAN on the weekends is great, by the way. For instance, Freedom Fest 2009 was a laugh fest for me.

 

ERIC C

12:51 AM ET

September 1, 2009

Key phrase

"...we don’t understand the social and political dynamics there..."

My brother just returned from Afghanistan, and man the situation is one we barely understand. I'm not blaming the media, or anyone in particular, it is just a small ignored region of the world that is of tremendous importance to the rest of the world.

Btw, there should be a law on invading a country without having generals who udnerstand it, but of course that would be impractical.

Eric C

 

GRANT

12:52 AM ET

September 1, 2009

Don't count us out

I suggest that the writers here on the Afghanistan war calm down a bit as their coverage seems to find the worst conclusions. I'll state here and now that I'm hardly a die-hard fan of the war, particularly as many of the original targets who I'm more worried about have since dispersed to safer grounds. However I would like to remind the writers (and the readers) that there have been quite a few insurgencies in history and only a few of them have had the results of Vietnam. For one thing, even after the withdrawal of the Soviet Union from the nation the Communist Afghan government managed to survive on its own into the 90s. Also recall that three years ago the newspapers had much the same to say about the situation in Iraq (whether or not the matter has been settled is another story). I'm not going to pretend that we can be certain of any kind of victory any time soon but don't assume the war is lost yet.

 

NORWEGIAN SHOOTER

6:12 PM ET

September 1, 2009

Like speculation?

How do you define victory in Afghanistan?

Walt and others are saying that whatever you take our clouded objectives to be in Afghanistan, attempting to reach them would be immensely more costly than the benefits that we would obtain.

 

GRANT

11:01 PM ET

September 1, 2009

My working definition for

My working definition for victory in Afghanistan is an Afghanistan where the government is on friendly ties with the U.S even if it's nothing like a client state, the Taliban and affiliated groups are largely unable to threaten the majority of the state, and at least some sort of democratic system exists.
For the first we have to rely on the abilities of diplomats as well as the reliance Afghanistan will have an U.S military aid for the foreseeable future (logistics, special forces, and air strikes primarily).
For the second we really will be relying more on basic Afghan soldiers, the compliance of warlords (probably from bribes and U.S medical expertise), police, and a buildup of civilian systems.
For the third I haven't the faintest idea and given the alternative I'm fully willing to give up on it if it becomes necessary. A good starting point might be a move by Karzai's successor (may he appear soon) to dismantle the idiotic 'no party system' theory Karzai holds so dear.
Please note that the majority of this only views the U.S forces as essentially an armed reconstruction group tasked to help build civilian structures with local input wherever possible.
Is any of that possible? I personally believe so, but I am hardly so arrogant as to say that it will be easy or that it will just take more soldiers. It will take much more time, money, and civilians and probably will go on for the better part of the next decade.

 

NORWEGIAN SHOOTER

2:54 PM ET

September 2, 2009

Then we've won and can can home now

"Friendly ties" is a bit problematic, as Karzai is starting to rail against us for his domestic audience while taking all the support the US gives under the table, so to speak.

It will take much more time, money, and civilians and probably will go on for the better part of the next decade.

Add possibly thousands of US soldiers' deaths and tens of thousands of casualties.

Okay, that's the cost. What's the benefit?

PS Are you in favor of an Afghan client state?

 

GRANT

3:47 PM ET

September 2, 2009

I'll answer out of order as

I'll answer out of order as the reply comes to me.

On the casualties, only if our generals and State Dept. officials are particularly inept. I'm not especially worried about casualties or bodies but trying to fight major battles in an insurgency is simply stupid, just ask the French.

For Karzai and ties, Karzai is hardly the most popular politician in Afghanistan right now and I'm fairly sure that unless the insurgency is defeated in less than three years he won't be around for long. As for how the general Afghan population sees the States, I'm more worried about whether the ruling warlords see us as a problem or not. Ideally the population would also like us, but that's difficult enough in a nation with a few decades of cooperation like Turkey.

On Afghanistan's status to the U.S, I'm in favor of whatever creates a useful ally to the States in Central and South Asia as that is where I assume that the new wars will be fought. Of course the best outcome would be a rapidly recovering Afghanistan that's able to withstand Pakistani pressure and is well-disposed to the U.S, but I'll settle for a weak Afghanistan in a vital geographic position reliant on U.S help.

The benefit is, to be absolutely honest, only hypothetical working with current trends and my cynical opinion of humans. Assuming that water shortages (barring some incredible new technology) exacerbate tensions between Central Asian nations and start new wars it's useful to have a nation to work through to either support our favorite or to try to keep the peace between belligerents. An increased presence in Central Asia also could lead to better influence on Pakistan in future disputes between Pakistan and India, which seem to flare up once every five years. Finally in a hypothetical war with China or Russia it's dumb to think that Afghanistan would get involved, but there is the possibility of shipping weapons and money to separatist groups in both nations through the region.

To lastly look at the costs and when it becomes too much to pay for, I measure it in two methods. The first is economic, when maintaining a large scale presence threatens to bankrupt us. The second is human, when our casualties have reached the tens of thousands and when our death toll is reaching ten thousand I measure it as unlikely to end quickly enough to be worth it.

 

GOEDEL

3:30 AM ET

September 1, 2009

"And the big fool says to push on..."

Like many fools before him, candidate Obama and now Pres. Obama has been pushing us on in Afghanistan. We are at least waist deep in the Big Muddy at this point. Folly has been a recurrent theme in history. Bertrand Russell wrote in his "History of the World in Eptiome": There is no folly ever conceived that men have not tried to put into practice (paraphrased by me). The works of Barbara Tuchman, histories for lay readers of WWI and its times of folly, also wrote of the folly of our southeast Asian war poignantly.

Though the follies of the past are for the most part recognized, they do not seem to help us in the present. I think this is because major financial interests are at stake and because individuals, presidents, generals, have their reputations to defend.

What is seldom dealt with in assessing even our past follies is their immorality. We have been told that questions of foreign policy, war and peace, are amoral - divorced from the moral considerations that are supposed to govern the relationships between people. That is what I understand Henry Kissinger to mean in his Realpolitik. Who would know better than he about the scope and place of amorality?

I think the governing word should still be immorality rather than amorality. I think wars are an immoral way of pursuing one's national interest - except truly in self-defense, when no other alternative is open.

What a pity we have adopted Henry Kissinger's view and word, instead of weighing the morality or immorality of our own behavior. Had we done that in the 20th and now in the 21st century, millions of people who died as a result of our wars would still be alive and whole, including many Americans. We would be a far wealthier and happier country as well.

 

RAYMOND TURNEY

6:40 AM ET

September 1, 2009

Objective

This may sound strange, but I don't know what our objective is in Afghanistan. This makes it hard to figure out whether our war there makes sense.

If we're in Afghanistan because the Chinese want the Taliban suppressed, and would rather use the US army to suppress the Taliban than try to do it themselves, then our war there may make sense. After all, if China concludes that it isn't going to get its money back, and the US elite is not going to cooperate with it, things could get very ugly economically. This would be bad for both us and China, but maybe worse for the US administration than the Chinese.

If the idea of our Afghan operation is to help Pakistan by providing a target for Pashtun rebels other than the government of Pakistan, maybe it makes sense and maybe it doesn't. After all, the US forces in Afghanistan probably increase Pahtun disaffection to a greater extent than they divert rebel energies, thus fueling the rebellion more than they help to suppress it.

If we're planning on changing Afghanistan, we're probably even less well equipped to do that than the Russians were. I'd say pull out now and use the money saved to reduce our debt to China. Leave fighting the Taliban to the Indians, Iranians and Russians, who were doing it before 9/11 and probably won't quit when we leave.

If we're staying there because AQ might return to Afghanistan and embarrass the administration by pulling off another 9/11, we might as well pull out now. There's no evidence that AQ cannot operate just as well from Pakistan or Somalia as it did from a Talibanized Afghanistan.

I suppose there are other reasons to be in Afghanistan, but these four are the most obvious, and they suffice to make the point that what we should do in the future depends on what we think we're doing now.

 

JEDO

10:19 AM ET

September 1, 2009

I agree

Raymond, I think the explanation is the last one, ie. the return of AQ. Unlike in Iraq, I can't see the negative consequences for the US and NATO if it simply leaves Afghanistan altogether. The next attack could be planned in Pakistan, Somalia or even Birmingham, so what benefit is there of using more resources to fight this war?

 

DAVE123

2:18 PM ET

September 1, 2009

Before the war, the "Northern

Before the war, the "Northern Alliance" was a fairly strong indigenous counterpart to the Taliban. They just needed weapons and logistical support. What ever happened to them? Are they the Afghan army now? Why is they no longer capable of fighting the Taliban??

 

GRANT

2:49 PM ET

September 1, 2009

Their fate

The Northern Alliance wasn't really that powerful, although better logistics and U.S support may have been able to change that. In any case their very popular leader Ahmad Shah Massoud was assassinated two days before the 9/11 attacks (more can be learned about him in Steve Coll's excellent book Ghost Wars), and after he died the alliance began openly feuding. The makeup of the alliance included multiple warlords from different ethnic and tribal, and after the U.S strikes in conjunction with their attacks they began to move for power themselves. Some parts are now in the Afghan army, many more are in the private armies of the warlords. As for why they aren't fighting the Taliban, some are. It isn't as though the NATO forces and the Afghan national army are the only ones fighting the Taliban. However, given the chaotic and treacherous nature of Afghan politics it isn't as though they're dedicated to the destruction of the Taliban either.

 

DAVE123

3:50 PM ET

September 1, 2009

Thanks. Informative response.

Thanks. Informative response. I would think that if the Taliban were threatening to retake the country that they might band together again for mutual defense. US air power would probably be able to defend the government if there was open war as well. Maybe not.

 

GRANT

11:06 PM ET

September 1, 2009

In Afghanistan the system of

In Afghanistan the system of alliances seems to generally be 'side with the winning side', as David Kilcullen's Accidental Guerrilla mentions. This is hardly cowardly or dishonorable, remember that these warlords are also concerned with their own ethnic/tribal groups. Loyalty to a nation that one could easily expect of any group of U.S soldiers doesn't come easily to people that have resisted efforts to centralize power for centuries. Obviously some groups simply hate the Taliban, the Hazaras for example will probably go the extra mile to stop them, but politics in the nation mean that trust is very precious.

 

GRANT

4:20 PM ET

September 2, 2009

I normally don't like to

I normally don't like to double post, but Foreign Policy has another article on Mohammed Fasim who is rumored to have played a part in Massoud's death. It focuses on him, but does provide some insight into the Norther Alliance.

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2009/08/31/the_warlord_winner_of_afghanistans_election

 

NORWEGIAN SHOOTER

6:28 PM ET

September 1, 2009

More info

The Northern Alliance did get weapons and logistical support from us in the fall of 2001. They were the primary boots on the ground, while we provided the air campaign, in the drive to oust the Taliban from power (Kabul). Losing Massoud had long term implications for Afghanistan, but didn't immediately fracture the NA or hinder it in initially defeating the Taliban.

Today's story of the NA doesn't have much to do with the resurgent Taliban because the occupy different parts of the country. The NA is obviously up north, the Taliban in the south and east. The NA is jockeying for power in Kabul, while the Taliban is trying to regain Kabul.

 

NUR AL-CUBICLE

3:03 PM ET

September 1, 2009

Been there, done that

So now we wait for the ARVN, er Afghan Army, generals, to carry out a coup and bury President Karzai in an unmarked grave next to the US Embassy?

 

GRANT

6:17 PM ET

September 2, 2009

The parallels would be scary

The parallels would be scary wouldn't they?

 

PG1923

7:15 PM ET

September 1, 2009

Not going to happen

If we all, including the President, decided to get out of Afghanistan, it would take three years and 200 billion. Not going to happen, and my bet is 130,000 troops by the end of next year. Five years from now we might start to get out when a new President takes over. Obama is boxed and really can't even think about stopping till after mid-terms.

Obama knows this is a bad deal, but there is no way out. It will become unbearable next summer when the casualties mount and the violence escalates. There is not one soul who believes things will not get much worse before they get better. Obama's only hope is that things get better by the summer of 2012. Hope is definitely going to be the only thing Democrats have going into mid-terms. It's going to be hard to be against the war and for the guy running it.

 

HENRYKISSINGER

9:44 PM ET

September 2, 2009

Afpak war

Like all wars it is has its ups and downs. It is a carefully chosen war being run for carefully chosen objectives by carefully chosen generals. I see no reason whatsover to stop or tone down this war. Maintaining a full court press sends a message to the world that we will spend billions as needed for war.

shalom
Dr.K.

 

Stephen M. Walt is the Robert and Renée Belfer professor of international relations at Harvard University.

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