Monday, September 27, 2010 - 4:00 PM

I'm sure most of you are "shocked, shocked" to hear that the Israeli government rejected U.S. requests that it extend the so-called freeze on settlement construction in the West Bank. Never mind that it wasn't a real freeze (i.e., it didn't stop existing projects or the expulsion of more Palestinians from East Jerusalem, etc.); the partial halt in new authorizations did have a certain symbolic value. By refusing to extend it, the Netanyahu government has shown that it cares more about continuing the 43-years-and-counting process of colonization than it does about achieving a final peace deal.
At this point, Obama's Middle East team will try to come up with some sort of face-saving maneuver to keep the negotiations alive. Translated: they need a fig leaf to conceal how badly they've bungled this issue. Because putting serious pressure on Israel is anathema (especially in an election year), they will have to get Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to stay at the table even as construction resumes, so that he can watch the bulldozers make a "viable state" impossible while the talk, talk, talk continues. They may succeed in keeping the charade going, but it will be a pyrrhic victory that changes nothing.
Two key points should be kept in mind as you watch this diplomatic train wreck.
First, one of the great myths of Middle East diplomacy is the old cliché that "the United States can't want it more than the parties do." This excuse for inaction is trotted out whenever the United States fails to exercise the enormous potential leverage at its disposal, and it's just plain silly. There's no reason why the United States can't want a settlement more than Israel or the Palestinians do, particularly if the two sides are so mired in dysfunctional politics or old Likudnik dreams that they need to be pushed hard to make a deal. Unfortunately, this conflict isn't just about them; it's also about us. And when U.S. interests are at stake, we can want a solution just as much -- and maybe even more -- than they do.
The reason is simple: given the "special relationship" between the United States and Israel, the continuation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a significant national security problem for the United States. The combination of unconditional support for Israel and the continued expansion of Israel's illegal settlements undermines America's image in many countries and is contrary to basic U.S. values. It is also one of the things that inspired terrorist groups like al Qaeda and facilitates jihadi recruitment. And as Gen. David Petraeus noted a few months ago, it makes our tasks in places like Iraq and Afghanistan more difficult. This situation, in short, is not good for the United States.
As long as that special relationship continues, therefore, it is a national security priority for the United States to get the conflict settled. End the occupation and settle the conflict, and the special relationship would not be nearly so problematic. If U.S. negotiators ignored domestic politics and put U.S. interests first, therefore, they'd be using all the carrots and sticks at their disposal to push both sides to the basic deal whose outlines have been understood for a decade or more. And if it were Israel that refused to end the occupation and make a fair deal, then U.S. leaders would begin to move away from the current "special relationship" and towards something more consistent with U.S. interests. After all, let's not forget who the superpower is around here.
Second, some critics of Obama's policy probably think the problem is that he and his team are too "pro-Israel." That's not really true. By forcing Abbas to make repeated concessions with nothing to show for them, they are undermining his already fragile legitimacy to the point where he won't be able to sell whatever deal they might eventually coerce him into signing. And by letting Netanyahu thumb his nose at repeated U.S. requests without paying any penalty, they've encouraged Israelis to think there is essentially no cost to a hardline position. But this approach isn't "pro-Israel," because Obama and his advisors are helping make a two-state solution impossible and thereby making a "one-state" outcome nearly inevitable. Thoughtful Israelis understand that this is a perilous course, and President Obama said as much during his speech to the United Nations last week. But the administration's handling of this issue has made the one-state outcome more likely, which threatens Israel's future as both a Jewish and democratic state.
So if I were President Obama (and you can all be glad I'm not), I'd call my entire Middle East team into the Oval office for a little chat. Here's what I'd say:
"I made a promise to the American people, and to the world, that we would achieve 'two states for two peoples' during my first term. When I was in Cairo more than a year ago, I said this goal was in "America's interest, Israel's interest, the Palestinians' interest, and the world's interest." And I meant it. I trusted each of you to help me bring that goal about, and I've taken your advice for over twenty months. Let me be clear: it isn't working, and I'm not one who is satisfied with failure. Nor am I going to reward it. So I am telling each of you now: If you can't help me get this deal done within one year, I'm going to fire every one of you and get some new faces in here."
Fanciful? Of course it is, because the same political forces that make it nearly impossible for Obama to do the right thing would make it equally difficult for him to appoint a better team. But it's hardly more fanciful than thinking the United States can keep repeating the same mistakes and get a different result.
Kevin Dietsch-Pool/Getty Images
EXPLORE:OBAMA AND THE ISRAEL LOBBY, MIDDLE EAST, ISRAEL/PALESTINE, OBAMA ADMINISTRATION, U.S. FOREIGN POLICY
The late Tony Judt once wrote an essay in the NYRB that cut through the rhetoric. He argued that the settlements were too extensive, and the infrastructure was too closely networked, for a disentanglement to be possible. Since he did not believe a two state solution was still possible, and because he believed that Israel's Jewish nationalism had become chauvinistic and outdated, he pointed to the outcome he felt was inevitable: a binational state.
There were several shocked responses. The overall tenor was that, yes, Jewish national chauvinism in Israel was a problem, yes, the settlements were a problem, but there was still time to bring about the two state solution. Among those contributers were such heavyweights as Michael Walzer and Omer Bartov.
Of course, nothing has changed since Judt's article was published, SEVEN YEARS AGO, except that the settlements have continued to expand. I think it's time to realize that there will not be a Palestinian state. Israel's future is binational, and in fact, is already de facto binational.
Obama won't do anything about it, nor will any American leader. Unquestioning support for Israel is too strong among committed American Jews and Christian Evangelicals. That means any pressure against Israel will immediately create political liabilities, with zero benefits. Politicians will always avoid political liabilities unless there are preponderant benefits. In this case, the only benefit is the national interest, and it would be impossible to galvanize American politicians around that abstraction.
The only thing the US can reasonably do is keep the Israelis from attacking Iran, or launching more punitive expeditions on its immediate neighbors. As for Israel, it will continue to delegitimate itself in stages.
The best way forward is to support individual human and civil rights for everyone between river and sea.
Possibly, just possibly, a reelected Barack Obama will stand up for peace, stand up for the Palestinians, stand up for the best interests of the USA, and stand up to the colossal Israel Lobby. But I wouldn't bet on it.
One thing I am mystified about
Is how the regular gang can support ethnic cleansing. Not even by another name, by THAT name. A Jew free Palestine it is, much like any other Arab state. But let's at least call it what it is.
What Drives/Lures Jews out of Arab Countries
It is ISRAEL that removes Jews from Arab countries, which are not, in any case, "Jew-free." Israel SCARES Jews out of Arab countries by its ongoing depredations against Palestine and the Palestinians, and Israel LURES Jews out of Arab countries (most-recently, Yemen) by providing transportation to Israel and subsidies once they are there. The carrot AND the stick, and supporters of Israel call that ethnic cleansing, implying that the ARAB countries did it!
Of Course Jett, which is why the Arab states
committed violence until their Jewish populations were essentially nil. Who cares that Syrian Jews were held hostage until their assets could be claimed by the state. Same thing for Iraq. Egypt? They just sent their mobs after Jews until they fled.
.
Meanwhile, Yemen is so welcoming a nation that it couldn't bear to stand a mere 100 to 200 Jews and had them running for the capital and killing those who would not submit to Islam.
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Go from the tip of the Magreb up through the entry of Iran, and you can't find enough Jews to fill a small hockey arena. But what the hey, let's kick them out some more.
.
Essentially what this argument means is that ethnic cleansing is only acceptable if its Jews being given the boot out of town.
"This kind of accusation is called a ” blood libel,” but until then, they happened strictly to the Ashkenazic Jews of Christian Europe"
Koppin, the Jew who confessed to murdering Little Saint Hugh of Lincoln so that the rabbis in town for a big wedding could use his blood, was prolly Ashkenazic
Mr. Obama, people who elected you are 'disappointed' in you as well for not stopping aid to Israel contingent on their settlment building. It is within your power to do so, your the PRESIDENT.
George H.W. Bush forced a showdown with Yitzhak Shamir over Israel’s West Bank settlements by threatening to link $10 billion in loan guarantees to Israel’s compliance with a settlement freeze.
At the 1991 Madrid Conference, when the Israelis refused to participate, Secretary of State James Baker withheld loan guarantees and said that Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir should call him when he got interested in peace.
At one point, Baker actually banned Benjamin Netanyahu, who was representing Shamir in Washington, from the State Department Building. Madrid led to a peace treaty with Jordan, the recognition of Israel by many other countries, and the first real face-to-face negotiations with Palestinians.
How about Jimmy Carter, who threatened a cutoff of American aid to pressure Menachem Begin into returning all of Sinai to Egypt, which made possible the 1979 Camp David agreement.
The Obama administration has proven once again that it is no different from previous administrations, because it will support whatever Israel accepts and will not support what Israel does not accept.
We are subsidizing Israel to the tune of $3 billion-plus per year while our own go without.
If you are 'disappointed' you deserve to be and only have yourself to blame. Until you put your foot down with Israel there will be no peace.
LOL@ "Two-States-For-Two-Peoples"
Two-States-For-Two-Peoples is a recipe for continued war; it will only serve to enrich the corrupt bastards who run the PA and give Israel a pretext for it's eventual invasion/destruction of the Junior State of the Two, allowing them to say :"See, we tried peace and it didn't work; let the Sabra/Shatila Solution commence!" I bet Sharon even wakes up from his "coma" to lead the armies of ethnic cleansing.
Water is the most important issue in the region--and the best way to bring about peace is with a regional water agreement. All of the countries carved from Greater Syria (Palestine/Israel, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan) must be involved. The only spare water in the region is the Litani River--this is where any Palestinian State will have to get its water (Israel and Jordan have already divvied the water from the Jordan Basin between them, leaving none for a Palestinian State; one of the sticking points at Taba was the lack of water on the 95% of the 75% of the West Bank--East Jerusalem, which makes up 25% of it wasn't on the table at Taba--that Israel offered the PA: 95% of 75% of the West Bank's land but only 3% of the water resources there).
not necessarily a realist on this, he's never been an AMERICAN POLITICS scholar, WHICH IS WHAT THE ISRAEL LOBBY REALLY ADDRESSES, he's NEVER REALLY STUDIED LOBBIES BEFORE except for in his dissertation/first book a bit, NOR HAS HE BEEN A MIDDLE EAST SPECIALIST (yes, Origin was about the Middle East, but see a lot of Arabic or Hebrew sources in it; think he did a lot of research for it in Amman or Tel Aviv?).
"it makes our tasks in places like Iraq and Afghanistan more difficult" - OK, but by what order of magnitude? And what about other things that make our tasks...more difficult? Should we change those, too? IF ISRAEL DIDN'T EXIST, IT WOULD HAVE TO BE INVENTED. That is, for one thing, it catches flak for being the most proximate Western liberal democracy to the Arab world. I'm sympathetic to the West Bank argument, and would halt settlement this second if I could, but I'm not oblivious to the damage Walt causes.
Personally, I hate the settlements
I do want to freeze them.
My problem is, that it appeared that when we did freeze the settlements the Palestinians didn't feel any urgency to get to the negotiating table, but just played it out until the freeze was a month from being over.
So now I'm more inclined to say "We'll put the freeze back on, but if it's a condition for the talks, then what do we get?".
And I'm nt a likudnik, I'm Meretz
the blame game is awfully easy, and I'll b the 3rd 2 admit Israel bears a looooot of the blame.
But if u want results (and Prof. Walt is, by his own admission, a realist) u have 2 understand that 4 Netanyahu 2 b able 2 get a peace treaty through the Knesset, he can't b wasting all his political currency 1 day in2 the negotiations, and continuing the partial (I've said it, u happy?) moratorium after 10 months of it did nothing 2 start negotiations. he does have a coalition 2 think about.
go ahead and call me a likudnik. It's bullshit, but talkbacks about other people's character without knowing them is pretty easy with this medium.
doesn't exist.
It's said 2 b in Koenig's 1975 report, quoted by Ian Lustick.
Unfortunately, it doesn't appear in the Koenig report, nor in Lustick's book.
Finding strength in absurdity?
For Mahmoud Abbas to keep talking as Israel constructs settlements would mean accepting the theft of Palestinian land.
Binyamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, has called on the Palestinians not to quit direct negotiations while at the same time refusing to extend a moratorium on Jewish settlement construction that ended on Sunday.
Settlers have reportedly resumed building in different parts of the occupied West Bank, making it difficult, if not impossible, for Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, to continue participating in the US-sponsored talks.
He is now expected to seek Arab support for a withdrawal from the talks at a special Arab League meeting on October 4.
Oslo's fatal flaw
The Israeli suggestion that Palestinians should continue to participate in the talks under these circumstances is essentially asking them to accept the theft of their land while pretending to negotiate over its future status.
The Palestinian demand for a complete halt to settlement expansion - rather than a mere freeze - is long overdue.
While the Oslo Accords stipulated that neither side should engage in actions that could prejudice the final outcome of talks, one of the major flaws of the whole Oslo process, which started in 1993, was that it did not clearly specify an end to settlement construction.
Of course, as settlement construction and the accompanying confiscation of land and displacement of Palestinians would greatly prejudice the final status of the occupied territories, Palestinian negotiators considered this to be covered by the clause. But Israel chose to ignore this - along with most of the other agreements signed since Oslo - escalating its land-grabbing and expanding its colonies across the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
As a result of this, the number of settlers has tripled and, according to an Israeli human rights group, the settlements - together with their surrounding infrastructure - control 42 per cent of the West Bank, while Israel has tightened its grip over East Jerusalem.
Thus when Barak Obama, the US president, called for an immediate halt, then back-tracked to a freeze, on settlement construction, the Palestinians saw an unprecedented opportunity to build an international consensus against the persistent Israeli colonisation of Arab lands.
Obama later dropped his demand that a freeze on settlement building be a prerequisite for the resumption of the then stalled direct negotiations and, using the threat to withdraw international and even Arab funding, effectively coerced the Palestinian side into reluctantly joining talks.
So Abbas attended the talks but insisted that the freeze be extended before delving into other issues, prompting Obama to reiterate his call that Israel extend the moratorium. When this was not forthcoming, Abbas did not immediately walk out - agreeing to give the Americans time to find a compromise that could salvage the shaky talks.
Signing away Palestinian rights
But, so far, the compromises floated by the Israeli media are in essence worse than the settlers' plans to increase construction.
One such proposal is that Israel adopts a partial freeze in smaller settlements while continuing to build in major settlement blocks.
Abbas, whose legitimacy is already under question in the absence of new elections, cannot afford to accept proposals that effectively amount to legitimising Israeli plans to annex the largest and most populated West Bank settlements.
Judging by the official Israeli rhetoric and the leaked proposals, Netanyahu seems determined to pursue the plan he once advocated to annex at least 40 per cent of the West Bank, in addition to East Jerusalem, as part of his vision for a final solution.
The Israeli side is relying mainly on US support and military force to impose such solutions on the Palestinians, in defiance of international law and UN resolutions.
As international law forbids the confiscation or annexation of lands under occupation, Netanyahu is trying to coerce the Palestinians into forfeiting their rights by signing their consent to such a move.
But while Abbas, and the Palestinian position generally, is weak - due mainly to the uneven power balance and partly to Palestinian divisions - he cannot afford to make such a major concession at any stage, let along prior to entering final status talks.
Reconciliation and retribution
Furthermore, the revival of reconciliation talks between Hamas and Fatah in Damascus last week has strengthened Abbas' position as president while simultaneously binding him more closely to the national goals of the Palestinian people.
If anything the prospect of failed negotiations has increased support for national reconciliation so as to prepare the Palestinian people for any potential Israeli - and possibly even American - retribution if and when the talks collapse.
Pressed by the Fatah movement to focus on reconciliation with Hamas, Abbas is now less likely to accept any compromise that would undermine those efforts.
He recently said that participating in negotiations as settlement building continued would "be a waste of time". He ought now to heed those words as it will not only be a waste of time but a waste of Palestinian land, while inflicting more suffering on the Palestinian people.
In fact, it is high time that Palestinians call not only for a freeze to settlement construction but a complete halt based on the understanding that the settlements are illegal colonies that obstruct the Palestinian right to self-determination and independence.
Aljazeera.net/english
Again, Prof Walt, THANKS! You are certainly quite right.
If/when President Obama decides to make some important changes in his cabinet, I really do hope he will hire you for making the foreign policy.
Could the commentators from both sides of the aisle (pro-against) recommend some books on this issue for me? I know very little about the history or the details surrounding the conundrum that is the Middle East peace process and would like to know more. Links would work too although I would prefer respected works instead. Thank you very much in advance for any tips or information.
Choose your reading critically, not only for your eyes sake, but the volume of DIS-information, intentional and unintentional, is significant.
IMHO
Forget politicians, at least until you know enough to see how self-serving their books are.
Look at academic authors from major universities who specialize in modern history or ME politics, especially when their books come from university presses. These books are peer reviewed, and places like Oxford or Yale generally have the strength to stand firm against the politics that maybe leveled against them. A great example of where such a battle was decisively won was when Norm Finkelstein published BEYOND CHUTZPAH thru the Univ of California Press. Alan Derschowitz and friends put a great deal of pressure on Gobenator Schwartzenegger to cancel its publication, which he finally got pretty peeved over. The book stood, and was a telling refutation of Deschowitz book, which was published through the trade division of (I think it was) St. Martins, which as a publisher is less.....driven...by what is accurate than what will sell, or by the political pressure on its ownership/management.
You can actually get a reasonable orientation from wikipedia, since its so consensus driven. But to get at the REALLY contentious underlying issues, which some will KILL to obfuscate, you're better off going for original sources and making up your own mind. If you take the time to do this, BTW, the picture clears up pretty quickly, and even if you are very determined to have a open-mind to new/contridictory information, it doesn't come.
A good route to a more in-depth knowledge along these lines, is Clayton Swisher's book on Camp David in 2000 (Forgot the title). It grew out of Swishers PhD thesis at, I think it was Georgetown. He was on the security staff at CD and had detailed first person notes and interviews, done largely contemporaneously, and he had no stake in what was essentially reporting. There was also an Israeli who managed to collect a bunch of video interviews at the time from various principals and published the transcipts. Maybe someone else will remember his name.....but these transcripts and Swishers account back each other up nicely. Most of the other sources, like Dennis Ross' MISSING PEACE, are a waste.
A number of attendees DID attempt honest accounts or wrote about: Aaron Miller comes to mind. But they tend to have been so close to the action they didn't get the good overview stuff Swisher did. Still, they're interseting and useful once you have a better since of what's really going on. Check-up on these names closely, and look for affiliations with think tanks financed by one side or the other (WINEP and Brookings are totally comprimised; the Arabs/Pals just don't have the same sophistication in creating reality).
Camp David was the final-blow up of the empty promises and bad faith of Israel at Oslo, seven years earlier, so looking at the Oslo-CD years is the way to go. With that time frame understood, actions before and since fall into place pretty clearly.
was my comment for information and books removed? Can anybody provide titles to books that are considered classics on this subject? Thank you.
RC
AND this all just makes my point....
There is impressive dust-kicking/obfuscation operation in action, and the above responses to your simple query are a case in point.
It would be quite difficult sorting thru these without a pretty good knowledge of the reality of things. Even then, the sophistication of the deceptions you see in this little sampling is telling of what a rational approach to pursuing the best interest of the US (and Israel, to tell the truth) has to contend with.
So. You may want to just get off this particular blog. informedcomment.com is a blog run by a prof at U of Michigan who is careful with his facts and screens the posters pretty carefully. He lets anyone say whatever they want to as long as they are in honest pursuit of truth. Here at walt's, you're having to sort through the work of some pretty well-organized and committed propagandists.
I'd repeat, focus on one manageable time frame. I think it'd be a good approach to look into the main Oslo years of 93-2000 which are particularly telling, and from there you can branch out as questions occur to you. A pattern of behavior will become clear.
Great article.
It's a sad state of affairs, but you have summed it up very well.
God willing, there WILL be a change of the guard in Obamas administration soon, and the possility of actual change might be on the horizon.
Sorry about the mix up, didn't see the tips, now I have! Thank you all for the great advice, going to start checking them out then I'll purchase a few, once again, thank you.
Stephen M. Walt is the Robert and Renée Belfer professor of international relations at Harvard University.
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