Posted By Stephen M. Walt Share

Do the large and angry demonstrations in Egypt mean that I was wrong to predict that the revolution in Tunisia wouldn't spread? Not yet, but I will be watching events closely and developments there could eventually prove me wrong. (As Keynes famously retorted, "when the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do?") But thus far, I'm sticking with my original forecast.

A couple of quick points.  In my original post on the subject, I emphasized that revolutionary upheavals are always inherently unpredictable, because it is hard to know how much the population is willing to risk to overthrow the authorities and because each person's reaction will depend on what they think others will do. (Someone might be reluctant to join an angry mob if they thought only ten other people will show up, but if they are convinced that 5000 other people will be there, then there's safety in numbers and they'd be willing to be the 5001st). 

I didn't deny that events in Tunisia might generate some sympathetic rumblings elsewhere, because this is common after a revolution, but I said that I didn't expect a wave of upheavals that ultimately overthrew neighboring governments. The main reason was that authoritarian governments would be on their guard against contagion, and would act quickly to snuff out any rising revolutionary tide. Thus far, that's precisely what the Mubarak regime seems to be doing, and they have a lot of practice at this sort of thing.  See here for an eyewitness account. As Juan Cole warns, "Egypt is not Tunisia."

So what do I think now? It's clear that events in Tunisia have provided a catalyst for Egyptians to express their discontent with the Mubarak regime. (That discontent is not new, of course).  It seems plausible that social media (e.g., the internet, Facebook, Twitter, etc.) may have facilitated some degree of mass mobilization, thereby encouraging larger turnout at demonstrations than one might otherwise have expected. It's hard to know how important this has been, but it could be a change in background conditions that makes this sort of revolutionary contagion more likely. I have an open mind about that subject.

What we don't know yet is whether the popular discontent that is being expressed in the streets will ultimately be able to challenge the government's authority, undermine the cohesion and loyalty of the Egyptian security forces, and render Mubarak's continued rule untenable.  If I had to bet, I'd say not at present. But am as I confident as I was last week? 'Course not.

And for me, the more interesting question is not the short-term possibility of revolutionary contagion, but rather the long-term possibilities for political and social change that these events herald. Even if governments like Mubarak's remain in power today, it is hard for me to believe that the current political order in much of the Arab world can survive unchanged for much longer. Smart governments will try to get out ahead of these processes, and manage a gradual evolution towards more legitimate and participatory forms of government (which may not bear much resemblance to Western-style liberal democracy). The point is that political change in the Arab world need not come about through violent revolution; the mere possibility of violent upheaval may be enough to convince some leaders that they need to rethink some of their policies. Whatever the mechanism, we'll be living in interesting times. 

AFP/Getty Images

 

GRANT

12:03 AM ET

January 27, 2011

Personally I'd find it more

Personally I'd find it more likely that the governments will take more conservative* authoritarian approaches that make their eventual bloody overthrow that much more likely. Lebanon, Iran, Egypt, Palestine** are all showing the signs of crumbling systems and violent discontent.

* Conservative as in old in thought and fearful of change, not American Conservatism.
**I'm constantly amazed it hasn't gone up like a firecracker.

 

USAMA2

7:17 AM ET

January 27, 2011

Ah, the imperious conceit of

Ah, the imperious conceit of the West so that Westerners continue to slap yourselves on your backs in celebration of being right and being the one's on the right path. As if the Arab countries are 'naturally' gravitating to reforms that resemble and replicate what the West have done for themselves.

Egypt will not truly be liberated until it burns its constitution, sheds the last 100 years of Western dominion, and reinvents itself as the new heart of the Muslim world.

 

MAKESSENSE

10:40 AM ET

January 27, 2011

Stick to analysis of what is in U.S.A.'s long term interests

I find the strong opinions of social "scientists" like Prof Walt amusing.

Would a doctor of medicine with expertise in lung disease, blog and commentate strong views on the latest developments in analysis of diseases affecting the toes? Hardly.

Yet here on this blog we read first a very strong blog burp about "TUNISIA REVOLUTION WILL NOT SPREAD" and a couple of days later, after mass protests from Yemen to Algeria, Bahrein to Egypt, Jordan to Sudan, "WAS I WRONG? (answer is, of course not, I'm never wrong....)

Who on earth cares if you were right or wrong in your analysis of Arabic politics - writing as you were without the benefit of fluency in the four main languages of the Arab League states, and being in east asia or somewhere at the time of the events.

This site's potential value and contribution to informed discussion is to focus on what your expertise is presumably about: defining and aritculating a view on what is in the United States' long term strategic economic and political . military interests.

 

SCOTTINDALLAS

11:10 AM ET

January 27, 2011

4 languages?

The Arabs states speak one language. While the dialect in Algeria/Morocco is different than the Egyptian dialect which is different from Saudi, and from Iraqi, it's all still Arabic. The Koran is in Classical Arabic, and this is understood by all and spoken by all educated Arabs. After all, Egypt is the source of most of the Arab world's TV programming. Egyptian Arabic is the Lingua Franca of the Arab world. In fact, a Pakistani is likely to be able to understand classical Arabic even though they don't speak Arabic in their daily lives.

You should've written about the language problems between the US, Canada, Australia and Britain. The analogy is appropriate and more accurate

 

F1FAN

5:18 PM ET

January 27, 2011

What a short sighted view

Keeping a keen eye on Arab and World politics is in the USA's long term interests, just as it's in the interests of every nation on Earth.

 

KASSANDRA

10:42 AM ET

January 27, 2011

Muslim Brotherhood?

To date, the Muslim Brotherhood has not encouraged taking to the streets, and has stood aloof from the protests. Let's see what happens after Friday prayers, when protests have been planned.
Whatever comes out of these demonstrations, I would venture that the direction of foreign policy will be more independent, i.e. not so US-friendly. Gotta agree with Usama2.

 

KASSANDRA

4:17 PM ET

January 27, 2011

Re Collapse of Soviet Union

Re the collapse of the Soviet Union -- it was not quite so sudden. Meetings, demonstrations, declarations, started around 1989. They consistently escalated, until 1991, when the entire house of cards fell apart. During the intermittent three years, there were consistent calls from the USA and Europe to the various republics for caution. And the USA was about the last country to formally recognize the independence of some republics. That the USA could not see the collapse coming says much about the billions wasted on the CIA and State Dept.
So Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, its a long process, but a good start has been made -- I foresee Khadaffi's Lybia and Saudi Arabia and Israel soon being the USA's only allies in the region.

 

SCOTTINDALLAS

8:12 PM ET

January 27, 2011

Kassandra, your list is good,

Kassandra, your list is good, you picked resource rich countries, who can afford this. I have a connection to Algeria, and plan to move there one day. They have the resources to afford to keep up the police state too. I am more hopeful that change will come, but that is just wishful thinking.

 

GADGIIBERIBIMBA

8:33 PM ET

January 27, 2011

Neo-cons, this is your moment

Whether Walt's prediction proves accurate or not, it seems this would be a good time to engage neo-conservatives from a realist standpoint.

Bush articulated what I take to be the neo-conservative thesis after 9-11. He claimed, explicitly or implicitly, that the threat of terrorism meant we could no longer afford to just back dictatorships in the Arab world to ensure stability, but should instead pursue regime change in part with the hope of ushering in democracy across the Arab world. Remember the flurry of excitement among neo-cons around the time of the Cedar revolution?

If the right wing still believes in this idea, we should hear attacks on Hilary Clinton for her cautious support of "stability" in Egypt. We should hear right-wingers congratulating protesters from Tunisia to Yemen and calling for the US government to support them morally, politically and even militarily.

I haven't researched whether this is happening or not, but my guess is it is limited, for the very good reason that nobody is sure what these popular demonstrations might mean for US interests.

But that gives away the neo-con game right there, doesn't it? If we have to wait to discover what a grassroots campaign against repressive governments might mean for US interests before embracing it, then aren't we just realists? If Bush's vision was convincing, we would welcome these expressions of longing for self-determination immediately, on the theory that only democracy in the Arab world can stem the tide of terrorism, and that democracy is, on the face of it, can only be an intrinsic good.

Any takers for that idea should stand up right now and be counted.

 

MAKESSENSE

11:30 AM ET

January 28, 2011

The four main languages in the Arab League states

The four significant languages for politics in the Arab League states are Arabic, French, Armenian and Kurdish. If in north Africa, Berber is useful but not a significant language for keeping up to speed with political developments.

Fluency in the languages of Lebanon (Arabic, French and Armenian) would assist, for example, not to make silly mistakes like Professor Walt's latest bold assertion that "Hizbullah has just formed a government in Lebanon" .

 

ANON_ANON

8:35 AM ET

January 29, 2011

1), and 2), and 3)

Professor Walt:

1) You're an IR scholar. You're not a CP scholar, nor an area studies scholar, nor (one of the points I raise regarding the Israel lobby work, even though I do acknowledge that you did deal with it somewhat in "Origins") an Americanist. While your commentary is, per the usual, intelligent and expansive, perhaps the best thing would be to say, "This isn't my area of expertise; hence, I'm going to leave the commentary to others, and here are those whom I recommend."

2) Related to 1), you are, I'm assuming, basing your predictions off your study for writing "Revolutions." Fair enough. We predict the future based on what we know of the past. But as you point out when asked about how a small nation could affect the foreign policy of a great power, when the school of international relations with which you are associated argues that domestic politics (for the most part) "doesn't matter," there are "exceptions." Why not just say Tunisia and Egypt may be exceptions?

3) All of the above semi-criticism notwithstanding, I think your points about social media becoming a potential antecedent condition or conditional variable regarding revolutions is an excellent one. I haven't seen much in the literature about it, and it seems to get marginalized. Perhaps you could expand upon it, or, as with policy relevant literature, exhort its virtues and ask the academy and its institutions to change the incentive structure for those who study this issue?

But this is coming from a guy who thought your riff (intentional joke/pun intended) "Please Mr. Postman" reminded him of "Silence of the Lambs."

Best
Anon_Anon

 

Stephen M. Walt is the Robert and Renée Belfer professor of international relations at Harvard University.

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